“ hope that my stay here after that period will be unnecessary; indeed it is probable that I might set out by the middle of
this week; was it not for a wish to attend M
r. Patterson a few days longer; this, M
r. Patteson
[
sic
--
Ed.
] recommends: he has been extreemly obliging to me since my arrival here, but his avocations for the last ten days have been
such, as rendered it impossible for him to afford me the benefit of his instructions; in the mean time I have employed myself
in attending more immediately to the objects of my equipment, and am now more at leasure to pursue with effect the subjects
to which, he may think proper to direct my attention.
"Agreeably to your instructions the draught of your orders prepared for my government, has been submitted to M
r. Patterson, and to D
rs. Rush Barton & Wister; they approve of them very highly: D
r. Rush has favored me with some abstract queries under the several heads of
Physical History,
medicine,
Morals and
Religion of the Indians, which I have no doubt will be servicable in directing my inquiries among that people: D
rs. Barton and Wister have each promised to contribute in like manner any thing, which may suggest itself to them as being of
any importance in furthering the objects of this expedition. D
r. Barton has sometimes flattered me with the pleasure of his company as far as the Illinois; this event would be extreemly
pleasing to me for many reasons; I fear the D
r. will not carry his design into effect; he tells me that his health has been pretty good latterly, and that he is determined
to travel in some direction two or three months during the ensuing summer and autumn.--
"I paid M
r. Dufief 74$. and D
r. Bolman 18$. I have also purchased a Vigogna Blanket, of which I hope you will approve; it is about the size of a common
three point Blanket, the skins appear to be too thin for rough service, tho’ it is a very pretty thing; it is the best I could
find, the price was 10$.--The Tiger’s skin you requested I have not been able to procure, those I have seen appear to be too
small for your purpose, perhaps they may be had in Baltimore if so, I will get one at that place--The 2 pole chain & 2 pair
of fleecy socks have also been procured. I recieved your watch this morning from M
r. Voigt, who tells me shee is well regulated and in perfect order. M
r. Whitney has not yet repared your sextant tho’ it was put into his hands immediately on my arrival; he has promised however,
after repeated applications, that it shall be ready tomorrow evening: he seemed unwilling to undertake the alteration you
wished in the brass Sextant stand, I therefore declined having the alteration made; I was further induced to this resolution
from the opinion of M
r. Ellicott, who thought that the ball and socket would be rather a disadvantage than otherwise; and that in every event he
concieved the advantages of the ball & socket would not be equivalent to the expence attending the alteration.--
"I have writen again to D
r. Dickson at Nashville, (from whom I have not yet heard) on the subject of my boat and canoe. I have recieved an answer from
Maj
r. Mac Rea, Com
dr. at S.W. Point: his report is reather
[
sic
--
Ed.
] unfavorable to my wishes: he tells me that out of twenty men who have volunteered their services to accompany me, not more
than three or four do by any means possess the necessary qualifications for this expedition, or who answer the discription
which I had given him; this however I must endeavour to remedy by taking with me from that place a sufficient number of the
best of them to man my boat, and if possible scelect
[
sic
--
Ed.
] others of a better description as I pass the Garrisons of Massac, Kaskaskais & Illinois.--
"You will recieve herewith inclosed some sketches taken from Vancouver’s survey of the Western Coast of North America; they
were taken in a haisty manner, but I believe they will be found sufficiently accurate to be of service in compozing the map,
which M
r. Gallatin was so good as to promise he would have projected and compleated for me--will you be so obliging Sir, as to mention
”
Lewis reported from Harper’s Ferry on July 8: “The waggon which was employed by M
r. Linnard the Military Agent at Philadelphia, to transport the articles forming my outfit, passed this place on the 28
th. Ult
mo.--the waggoner determined that his team was not sufficiently strong to take the whole of the articles that had been prepared
for me at this place and therefore took none of them; of course it became necessary to provide some other means of geting
[
sic
--
Ed.
] them forward; for this purpose on the evening of the 5
th. at Fredercktown
[
sic
--
Ed.
] I engaged a person with a light two horse-wagon who promised to set out with them this morning, in this however he has disappointed
me and I have been obliged to engage a second person who will be here this evening in time to load and will go on early in
the morning: I shall set out myself in the course of an hour, taking the rout of Charlestown, Frankfort, Uniontown and Redstone
old fort to Pittsburgh, at which place I shall most probably arrive on the 15
th.
"Yesterday I shot my guns and examined the several articles which had been manufactured for me at this place; they appear
to be well executed . . .”
Three days later, on July 11, Jefferson wrote to Lewis: “
I inclose you your pocket book left here. if the dirk will appear passable by post, that shall also be sent when recieved.
your bridle, left by the inattention of Joseph in packing your saddle, is too bulky to go in that way. we have not recieved
a word from Europe since you left us. be so good as to keep me always advised how to direct to you. accept my affectionate
salutations & assurances of constant esteem.
”
On July 15 Jefferson wrote to Lewis announcing that he had received the treaty for the Louisiana Purchase: “
I dropped you a line on the 11
th. inst. and last night recieved yours of the 8
th. last night also we recieved the treaty from Paris ceding Louisiana according to the bounds to which France had a right.
price 11¼ milllions of Dollars besides paying certain debts of France to our citizens which will be from 1. to 4. millions.
I recieved also from M
r. La Cepede at Paris, to whom I had mentioned your intended expedition, a letter of which the following is an extract. ‘M
r. Broughton, one of the companions of Captain Vancouver went up Columbia River 100. miles, in December 1792. he stopped at
a point which he named Vancouver lat. 45
o.27' longitude 237
o.50' E. here the river Columbia is still a quarter of a mile wide & from 12. to 36. feet deep. it is far then to it’s head.
from this point Mount Hood is seen 20. leagues distant, which is probably a dependence of the Stony mountains, of which m
(
~
r)
Fiedler saw the beginning about lat. 40
o. and the source of the Missouri is probably in the Stony mountains. if your nation can establish an easy communication by
rivers, canals, & short portages between N. York for example & the city [they were building]
or [to be built] [for the badness of the writing makes it uncertain which is meant, but probably the last] at the mouth of
the Columbia, what a route for the commerce of Europe, Asia, & America.’
”
Meanwhile on June 19 Lewis had written to William Clark, who replied from Clarksville on July 18: “I received by yesterday’s Mail, your letter of the 19
th.. ulto. The Contents of which I recieved with much pleasure--The enterprise &
c. is such as I have long anticipated and am much pleased with--and as my situation in life will admit of my absence the length
of time necessary to accomplish such an undertaking I will chearfully join you in an “official Charrector” as mentioned in
your letter, and partake of the dangers, difficulties, and fatigues, and I anticipate the honors & rewards of the result of
such an enterprise, should we be successful in accomplishing it. This is an undertaking fraited with many difficulties, but
my friend I do assure you that no man lives whith whome I would prefur to udnertake such a Trip &
c. as your self, and I shall arrange my matters as well as I can against your arrival here.
"It may be necessary that you inform the President of my acceding to the proposals, so that I may be furnished with such credentials
as the nature of the Toure may require, which I suppose had best be fowarded to Louisville.
"The objects of this Plan of Governments are great and worthy of that great Charecctor
[
sic
--
Ed.
] the Main-spring of its action--the means with which we are furnished to carry it into effect, I think may be sufficiently
liberal--the plan of operation, as laid down by you (with a small addition as to the out fee) I highly approve of--
"I shall indeavor to engage (temporally) a feew
[
sic
--
Ed.
] men, such as will best answer our purpose, holding out the Idea as stated in your letter--the subject of which has been mentioned
in Louisville several weeks ago.
"Pray write to me by every post after recving this letter, I shall be exceedingly anxious to here from you.”
This letter is in the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress and is probably therefore the one referred to in Clark’s
letter to Jefferson, dated from Clarksville July 24: “I had the honor of receiving thro Captain M. Lewis an assureunce of your Approbation & wish that I would join him in a North
Western enterprise. I will chearfully, and with great pleasure join my friend Capt Lewis in this Vast enterprise, and shall
arrange my business to as to be in readiness to leave this soon after his arrival. May I request the favour of you to forward
the inclosed letter to Capt Lewis, should he not be with you . . .”
Lewis had not received Clark’s acceptance on July 26, on which day he wrote to Jefferson from Pittsburgh: “I have recieved as yet no answer from M
r. Clark; in the event of M
r. Clark’s declining to accompany me Lieut Hooke of this place has engaged to do so, if permitted; and I think from his disposition
and qualifications that I might safely calculate on being as ably assisted by him in the execution of the objects of my mission,
as I could wish, or would be, by any other officer in the Army . . .”
Lewis had previously written to Jefferson from Pittsburgh on July 2, and had given him a report on the delay in building his
boat, on the arrival of the waggons from Harper’s Ferry, the arrival of the party of recruits to accompany the expedition,
and closed: “. . . The current of the Ohio is extreemly low and continues to decline, this may impede my progress but shall not prevent
my proceeding, being determined to get forward though I should not be able to make greater distance than a mile p
r. day.”
On September 8 Lewis reported to Jefferson from Wheeling: “It was not untill 7 O’Clock on the morning of the 31
st. Ultm
o. that my boat was completed, she was instantly loaded, and at 10. A. M. on the same day I left Pittsburgh, where I had been
moste shamefully detained by the unpardonable negligence of my boatbuilder. On my arrival at Pittsburgh, my calculation was
that the boat would be in readiness by the 5
th. of August; this term however elapsed and the boat so far from being finished was only partially planked on one side; in
this situation I had determined to abandon the boat, and to purchase two or three perogues and descend the river in them,
and depend on purchasing a boat as I descended, there being none to be had at Pittsburgh; from this resolution I was dissuaded
first by the representations of the best informed merchants at that place who assured me that the chances were much against
my being able to procure a boat below; and secondly by the positive assureances given me by the boat-builder that she should
be ready on the last of the then ensuing week (the 13
th.): however a few days after, according to his usual custom he got drunk, quarrelled with his workmen, and several of them
left him, nor could they be prevailed on to return: I threatened him with the penalty of his contract, and exacted a promise
of greater sobriety, in future which, he took care to perform with as little good faith, as he had his previous promises with
regard to the boat, continuing to be constantly either drunk or sick.
"I spent most of my time with the workmen, alternating persuading and threatening, but neither threats, presuasion or any
other means which I could devise were sufficient to procure the completion of the work sooner than the 31
st. of August; by which time the water was so low that those who pretended to be acquainted with the navigation of the river
declared it impracticable to descend it; however in comformity to my previous determineation I set out, having taken the precaution
to send a part of my baggage by a waggon to this place, and also to procure a good pilot. my days journey have averaged about
12 miles, but in some instances, with every exertion I could make was unable to exceed 4 1/2 & 5 miles p
r. day. This place is one hundred miles distant from Pittsburgh by way of the river and about sixty five by land--
"When the Ohio is in it’s present state there are many obstructions to it’s navigation, formed by bars of small stones, which
in some instances are intermixed with, and partially cover large quntities
[
sic
--
Ed.
] of drift-wood; these bars frequently extend themselves entirely across the bed of the river, over many of them I found it
impossible to pass even with my emty boat, without geting into the water and lifting her over by hand; over others my force
was even inadequate to enable me to pass in this manner, and I found myself compelled to hire horses or oxen from the neighbouring
farmers and drag her over them; in this way I have passed as many as five of those bars, (or as they are here called
riffles) in a day, and to unload as many or more times. The river is lower than it has ever been known by the oldest settler in this
country. I shall leave this place tomorrow morning and loose no time in geting on.
"I have been compelled to purchase a perogue at this place in order to transport the baggage which was sent by land from Pittsburgh,
and also to lighten the boat as much as possible. On many bars the water in the deepest part dose
[
sic
--
Ed.
] not exceed six inches.”
On September 13 he reported from aboard his boat opposite Marietta: “I arrived here at 7. P.M. and shall pursue my journey early tomorrow. This place is one hundred miles distant from Wheeling,
from whence in descending the water is reather more abundant than it is between that place and Pittsburgh, insomuch that I
have been enabled to get on without the necessity of employing oxen or horses to drag my boat over the ripples except in two
instances; tho’ I was obliged to cut a passage through four or five bars, and by that means past them: this last operation
is much more readily performed than you would imagin; the gravel of which many of these bars are formed, being small and lying
in a loose state is readily removed with a spade, or even with a wooden shovel and when set in motion the current drives it
a considerable distance before it subsides or again settles at the bottom; in this manner I have cut a passage for my boat
of 50 yards in length in the course of an hour; this method however is impracticable when driftwood or clay in any quantity
is intermixed with the gravel; in such cases Horses or oxen are the last resort: I find them the most efficient sailors in
the present state of the navigation of this river, altho’ they may be considered somewhat clumesy.”
On October 3 Lewis sent a long report from Cincinnati, consisting of nine closely written pages, and containing much information
on subjects of natural history. Towards the close of the letter Lewis wrote: “. . . So soon Sir, as you deem it expedient to promulge the late treaty, between the United States and France I would be much
obliged by your directing an official copy of it to be furnished me, as I think it probable that the present inhabitants of
Louisiana, from such an evidence of their having become the Citizens of the United States, would feel it their interest and
would more readily yeald any information of which, they may be possessed relative to the country than they would be disposed
to do, while there is any doubt remaining on that subject . . .”
Jefferson replied from Washington on November 16: “
I have not written to you since the 11
th. & 15
th. of July, since which yours of July 18. 22. 25. Sep. 8. 13. & Oct. 3. have been recieved. the present has been long delayed
by an expectation daily of getting the inclosed
‘account of Louisiana’ through the press. the materials are recieved from different persons, of good authority. I inclose
you also copies of the Treaties for Louisiana, the act for taking possession, a letter from D
r. Wistar, & some information collected by myself from Truteau’s journal in MS. all of which may be useful to you. the act
for taking possession passed with only some small verbal variations from that inclosed, of no consiquence. orders went from
hence, signed by the king of Spain & the first Consul of France, so as to arrive at Natchez yesterday evening, and we expect
the delivery of the province at New Orleans will take place about the close of the ensuing week, say about the 26
th. inst. Gov
r. Claiborne is appointed to execute the power of Commandant & Intendant, until a regular government shall be organized here.
at the moment of delivering over the posts in the vicinity of N. Orleans, orders will be dispatched from thence to those in
Upper Louisiana to evacuate & deliver them immediately. you can judge better than I can when they may be expected to arrive
at these posts. considering how much you have been detained by the low waters, how late it will be before you can leave Cahokia,
how little progress up the Missouri you can make before the freezing of the river; that your winter might be passed in gaining
much information by making Cahokia or Kaskaskia your head quarters, & going to S
t. Louis & the other Spanish forts, that your stores &
c. would thereby be spared for the winter, as your men would draw their military rations, all danger of Spanish opposition
avoided. we are strongly of opinion here that you had better not enter the Missouri till the spring. but as you have a view
of all circumstances on the spot, we do not pretend to enjoin it, but leave it to your own judgment in which we have entire
confidence. one thing however we are decided in: that you must not undertake the winter excursion which you propose in yours
of Oct. 3. such an excursion will be more dangerous than the main expedition up the Missouri, & would, by an accident to you,
hazard our main object, which, since the acquisition of Louisiana, interests every body in the highest degree. the object
of your mission is single, the direct water communication from sea to sea formed by the bed of the Missouri & perhaps the
Oregon. by having m
(
~
r)
Clarke with you, we consider the expedition as double manned, & therefore the less liable to failure: for which reason neither
of you should be exposed to risques by going off of your line. I have proposed in conversation, & it seems generally to be
assented to, that Congress shall appropriate 10. or 12,000 D. for exploring the principal waters of the Mi
(
~s
)
sipi & Missouri. in that case I should send a party up the Red river to it’s head, then to cross over to the head of the Arcansã,
& come down that. a 2
d party for the Pani & Padouca rivers, & a 3
d perhaps for the Moingona & S
t. Peters. as the boundaries of exterior Louisiana are
the high lands inclosing all the waters which run into the Mi
(
~s
)
sipi or Missouri directly or indirectly,
with a greater breadth on the gulph of Mexico, it becomes interesting to fix with precision by celestial observations the
longitude & latitude of the sources of these rivers, as finishing points in the contours of our new limits. this will be attempted
distinctly from your mission, which we consider as of major importance, & therefore not to be delayed or hazarded by any episodes
whatever . . .
”
A letterpress copy of Jefferson’s extracts from Truteau’s journal mentioned in this letter is in the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress,
headed:
Extracts from the Journal of M. Truteau, Agent for the Illinois trading company, residing at the village of Ricara, up the
Missouri.
On January 13, 1804, Jefferson wrote to Lewis: “
I wrote you last on the 16
th. of Nov. since which I have recieved no letter from you. the newspapers inform us you left Kaskaskia about the 8
th. of December. I hope you will have recieved my letter by that day or very soon after; written in a belief it would be better
that you should not enter the Missouri till the spring; yet not absolutely controuling your own judgment formed on the spot.
we have not heard of the delivery of Louisiana to us as yet, tho’ we have no doubt it took place about the 20
th. of December, and that orders were at the same time expedited to evacuate the upper posts, troops of ours being in readiness
& under orders to take possession. this change will probably have taken place before you recieve this letter, and facilitate
your proceeding. I now inclose you a map of the Missouri as far as the Mandans, 12. or 1500. miles I presume above it’s mouth.
it is said to be very accurate, having been done
by a m(
~
r)
Evans by order of the Spanish government, but whether he corrected by astronomical observation or not we are not informed.
I hope this will reach you before your final departure. the acquisition of the country through which you are to pass has inspired
the public generally with a great deal of interest in your enterprize. the enquiries are perpetual as to your progress. the
Feds. alone still treat it as philosophism, and would rejoice in it’s failure. their bitterness increases with the diminution
of their numbers and despair of a resurrection. I hope you will take care of yourself, and be the living witness of their
malice and folly. present my salutations to m
(
~
r)
Clarke. assure all your party that we have our eyes turned on them with anxiety for their safety & the success of their enterprize.
accept yourself assurances of sincere esteem & attachment.
”
On January 22 Jefferson wrote again: “
My letters since your departure have been of July 11. & 15. Nov. 16. and Jan. 13. yours recieved are of July 8. 15. 22. 25.
Sep. 25. 30. & Oct. 3. since the date of the last we have no certain information of your movements.
"
with mine of Nov. 16. I sent you some extracts made by myself from the journal of an agent of the trading company of S
t. Louis up the Missouri. I now inclose a translation of that journal in full for your information. in that of the 13
th. inst. I inclosed you the map of a m
(
~
r)
Evans, a Welshman, employed by the Spanish government for that purpose, but whose original object I believe had been to go
in search of the Welsh Indians, said to be up the Missouri. on this subject a m
(
~
r)
Rees of the same nation, established in the Western parts of Pensylvania, will write to you. N. Orleans was delivered to
us on the 20
th. of Dec, and our garrisons & government established there, the order for the delivery of the Upper posts were to leave N.
Orleans on the 28
th. and we presume all those posts will be occupied by our troops by the last day of the present month. when your instructions
were penned, this new position was not so authentically known as to effect the complection of your instructions, being now
become sovereigns of the country, without however any diminution of the Indian rights of occupancy, we are authorized to propose
to them in direct terms the institution of commerce with them. it will now be proper you should inform those through whose
country you will pass, or whom you may meet, that their late fathers the Spaniards have agreed to withdraw all their troops
from all the waters & country of the Missisipi & Missouri, that they have surrendered to us all their subjects Spanish & French
settled there, and all their posts & lands. that henceforward we become their fathers and friends, and that we shall endeavor
that they shall have no cause to lament the change: that we have sent you to enquire into the nature of the country & the
nations inhabiting it, to know at what places and times we must establish stores of goods among them, to exchange for their
peltries; that as soon as you return with the necessary information, we shall propose supplies of goods and persons to carry
them and make the proper establishments; that in the mean time, the same traders who reside among or visit them, and who now
are a part of us, will continue to supply them as usual, that we shall endeavor to become acquainted with them as soon as
possible; and that they will find in us faithful friends & protectors. although you will pass through no settlements of the
Sioux (except seceders) yet you will probably meet with parties of them. on that nation we wish most particularly to make
a friendly impression, because of their immense power, and because we learn that they are very desirous of being on the most
friendly terms with us.
"
I incloze you a letter which I believe is from some one on the part of the Philosophical society. they have made you a member,
and your diploma is lodged with me; but I suppose it safest to keep it here, & not to send it after you . . .
”
On March 26, Lewis wrote to Jefferson from St. Louis and sent specimens: “I send you herewith inclosed, some slips of the Osages
Plum and
Apple. I fear the season is too far advanced for their success. had I earlyer learnt that these fruits were in the neighbourhood,
they would have been forwarded at a more proper time . . . I obtained the cuttings, now sent you, from the garden of M
r. Peter Choteau, who resided the greater portion of his time for many years with the Osage nation. it is from this gentleman,
that I obtained the information I possess with respect to these fruits . . .”
The letter, three quarto pages in all, contains long descriptions of the trees concerned.
Two months later, on the 18th of May, Lewis sent to Jefferson from St. Louis a number of specimens, with a list, headed: “The following is a list of Articles forwarded you by M
r. Peter Chouteau.
"These articles include Mineral, Miscellaneous Articles, and Maps &c.”
On November 6, Jefferson sent a report to Reuben Lewis, the brother of Meriwether: “
I inclose you a letter directed to your brother which came to me under cover a few days ago. I have the pleasure also to inform
you that we have lately received thro a channel meriting entire confidence, advice that on the 4
th. of Aug. he was at the mouth of the River Plate, 600 miles up the Missouri, where he had met a great council of the Missouri’s,
Pani’s and Ottos, at their invitation, and had also on their request appointed among them three grand chiefs. two of his men
had deserted from him. he had with him 2 boats and about 48 men. he was then setting out up the river. one of his boats and
half the men would return from his winter quarters. in the spring he would leave about a fourth where he winters to make corn
for his return, and would proceed with the other fourth. all accounts concur in the entire friendly dispositions of the Indians,
and that he will be through his whole course as safe as at home. believing that this information would be acceptable to your
self, his mother and friends, I communicate it with pleasure and with it tender my salutations and best wishes.
”
Almost a year later, on April 3, 1805, Clark wrote to Jefferson from Fort Mandan, and sent him his notes on the expedition:
“It being the wish of Captain Lewis, I take the liberty to send you for your own perusal the notes which I have taken in the
form of a journal in their original state. you will readily perceive in reading over those notes, that many parts are incorrect,
owing to the variety of information received at different times, I most sincerely wish that leasure had permitted me to offer
them in a more correct form.
"Receive I pray you my unfained acknowledgements for your friendly recollection of me in your letters to my friend and companion
Capt
n. Lewis. and be assured of the sincere regard with which I have the honor to be your most obedient and humble servent.”
Four days later, on April 7, Lewis sent to Jefferson a report of four and a half pages, and enclosed with it an Invoice of
articles forwarded from Fort Mandan to the President of the United States through Capt
n. Stoddard at S
t. Louis and M
r. H. B. Trist the Collector of the Port of New Orleans.
The letter reads in part: “Herewith inclosed you will receive an invoice of certain articles, which I have forwarded to you from this place. among other
articles, you will observe by reference to the invoice, 67. specimens of earths, salts and minerals; and 60 specimens of plants
. . . You will also receive herewith inclosed a part of Cap
t. Clark’s private journal, the other part you will find inclosed in a separate tin box. this journal is in it’s original state,
and of course incorrect, but it will serve to give you the daily detales of our progress, and transactions . . . I have transmitted
to the Secretary at War, every information relative to the geography of the country which we possess, together with a view
of the Indian nations, containing information relative to them, on those points with which, I conceive it important that the
government should be informed . . . Our baggage is all embarked on board six small canoes and two perogues; we shall set out
at the same moment that we dispatch the barge. one or perhaps both of these perogues we shall leave at the falls of the Missouri,
from whence we intend continuing our voyage in the canoes and a perogue of skins . . . We do not calculate on completeing
our voyage within the present year, but expect to reach the Pacific Ocean, and return, as far as the head of the Missouri,
or perhaps to this place before winter. you may therefore expect me to meet you at Montachello in September 1806 . . .”
The list is as described by Lewis and Jefferson has written beside the separate items, the word
came, against those that arrived, and in many cases their place of destination--
A. Ph. Society or
P (for Peale’s Museum).
Jefferson’s letter to the American Philosophical Society announcing the dispatch of the box containing the minerals from Capt. Lewis “by the first vessel”, was dated from Washington, May 4, 1806.
At the end are listed the living creatures sent, as follows:
“
Cage containing four liveing Magpies.
1. came P.
|
do. containing a liveing burrowing Squirel of the Praries.
came. P.
|
do. containing one liveing hen of the Prarie. |
”
On February 11, 1806, Jefferson wrote to the Comte de Volney in Paris an account of Lewis’s discoveries: “
. . . Our last news of Capt
n. Lewis was that he had reached the upper part of the Missouri and had taken horses to cross the highlands to the Columbia
river. he passed the last winter among the Mandans 1610 miles above the mouth of the river. so far he had delineated it with
as great accuracy as will probably be ever applied to it, as his courses & distances by mensuration were corrected by almost
daily observations of Latitude & Longitude. with his map he sent us specimens or information of the following animals not
before known to the Northern continent of America. 1. the horns of what is perhaps a species of the Ovis Ammon. 2. a new variety
of the deer having a black tail. 3. an Antelope. 4. the badger, not before known out of Europe. 5. a new species of Marmotte.
6. a white weasel. 7. the magpie. 8. the Prairie hen, said to resemble the Guinea-hen (Peintade). 9. a prickly Lizard. to
these are added a considerable collection of minerals, not yet analysed. he wintered in Lat. 47
o 20' and found the Maximum of cold 43
o below the zero of Farenheit. we expect he has reached the Pacific, & is now wintering on the head of the Missouri, & will
be here next autumn . . .
”
On the 19th of the same month Jefferson addressed a report on the Lewis and Clark expedition, beginning:
To the Senate & House of Representatives of the US.
In pursuance of a measure proposed to Congress by a message of Jan. 18. 1803. and sanctioned by their appropriation for carrying
it into execution, Cap
t Meriwether Lewis, of the 1
st. regiment of infantry was appointed, with a party of men, to explore the river Missouri from it’s mouth to it’s source; and,
crossing the highlands by the shortest portage, to seek the best water communication thence to the Pacific ocean; and Lieut
t Clarke was appointed second in command. they were to enter into conference with the Indian nations on their route, with a
view to the establishment of commerce with them . . .
[See no. 3512.]
Lewis’s next report was dated from St. Louis, September 23, 1806. This report contained 6 pages, and opened: “It is with pleasure that I anounce to you the safe arrival of myself and party at 12 00
m. today at this place with our papers and baggage. In obedience to your orders we have penitrated the Continent of North America
to the Pacific Ocean, and sufficiently explored the interior of the country to affirm with confidence that we have discovered
the most practicable rout which dose exist across the continent by means of the navigable branches of the Missouri and Columbia
Rivers . . .”
The postscript read: “NB. the whole of the party who accompanyed me from the Mandans have returned in good health, which is not, I assure you, to
me one of the least pleasing considerations of the Voyage.”
Jefferson wrote to Lewis in answer to this on October 20: “
I recieved, my dear Sir, with unspeakable joy your letter of Sep. 23 announcing the return of yourself, Capt Clarke & your
party in good health to S
t. Louis. the unknown scenes in which you were engaged, & the length of time without hearing of you had begun to be felt awfully.
your letter having been 31. days coming, this cannot find you at Louisville, & I therefore think it safest to lodge it at
Charlottesville. it’s only object is to assure you of what you already know, my constant affection for you & the joy with
which all your friends here will recieve you. tell my friend of Mandane also that I have already opened my arms to recieve
him. perhaps while in our neighborhood, it may be gratifying to him, & not otherwise to yourself to take a ride to Monticello
and see in what manner I have arranged the tokens of friendship I have recieved from his country
particularly as well as from other Indian friends: that I am in fact preparing a kind of Indian hall. m(
~
r)
Dinsmore, my principal workman will shew you every thing there. had you not better bring him by Richmond, Fredericksburg,
& Alexandria? he will thus see what none of the others have visited & the convenience of the public stages will facilitate
your taking that route. I salute you with sincere affection.
”
The expedition returned in 1806, and in November of that year Lewis and Clark started for Washington, where they arrived in
February 1807. Jefferson’s message to Congress, dated December 2, 1806, contained a statement on the expedition:
. . . The expedition of Mess
rs. Lewis & Clarke, for exploring the river Missouri, and the best communication from that to the Pacific ocean, has had all
the success which could have been expected. they have traced the Missouri nearly to it’s source, descended the Columbia to
the Pacific ocean, ascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting communication across our continent, learnt
the character of the country, of it’s commerce & inhabitants, and it is but justice to say that Mess
rs. Lewis & Clarke, & their brave companions have, by this arduous service, deserved well of their country.
Before his death Meriwether Lewis had contracted with C. & A. Conrad & Co. for the publication of his journals. Jefferson
mentioned his interest in this publication in a letter addressed to Lewis from Monticello on August 16, 1809: “
This will be handed you by m(
~
r)
Bradbury, an English botanist, who proposes to take S
t. Louis in his botanising tour. he came recommended to me by m
(
~
r)
Roscoe of Liverpool, so well known by his histories of Lorenzo of Medicis & Leo. X. & who is president of the Botanical society
of Liverpool. m
(
~
r)
Bradbury comes out in their employ, & having kept him here about ten days, I have had an opportunity of knowing that besides
being a botanist of the first order, he is a man of entire worth & correct conduct. as such I recommend him to your notice,
advice & patronage, while within your government or it’s confines. perhaps you can consult no abler hand on your Western botanical
observations. I am very often applied to to know when your work will begin to appear; and I have so long promised copies to
my literary correspondents in France, that I am almost bankrupt in their eyes. I shall be very happy to recieve from yourself
information of your expectations on this subject. every body is impatient for it . . .
”
Lewis died on October 11 of the same year, 1809. On November 13, C. & A. Conrad & Co., the publishers wrote to Jefferson:
“When Captn Lewis was last in Philadelphia we contracted with him to publish his travels & then since incurred considerable
expences in preparing for the publication. The accounts recieved here yesterday by the Nashville newspapers of his decease
induce us to use the freedom to advise you of the contract. That such a contract was made should be known to whoever has controul
over his M.S. and not knowing who to apply to we have after some hesitation presumed to address ourselves to you, as most
likely & most willing to point out to us what we ought to do--
"It is with much regret & some apprehension of incurring your Displeasure that we address you on this painfull subject so
soon after the unfortunate circumstance that gives occasion for it. But the consideration that it is not alone our individual
interests, but those of our country and of science, that are promoted by forwarding the publication, (already much too long
delayed) we hope will be deemed some excuse for troubling you, and perhaps may induce you to take the further trouble to inform
us where and to whom we are now to look for the copy. Gov
r. Lewis never furnished us with a line of the M. S. nor indeed could we ever hear any thing from him respecting it tho frequent
applications to that effect were made to him.”
Jefferson replied on November 23: “
On my return after an absence of a fortnight, I yesterday recieved your letter of the 13
th. Gov
r. Lewis had in his lifetime apprised me that he had contracted with you for the publication of his account of his expedition.
I had written to him some time ago to know when he would have it ready & was expecting an answer when I received the news
of his unfortunate end. James Neelly,
the US. agent to the Chickasaws, writes me that ‘he has his two trunks of papers (at Nashville, I suppose, from whence his
letter is dated) amongst which is said to be his travels to the Pacific ocean; that some days previous to his death he requested
of him (Neely) in case any accident happened to him, to send his trunk, with the papers therein
to the President
, but he thinks it very probable he meant,
to me
, and wishes to be informed what arrangements may be considered best in sending on his trunks etc.’ I am waiting the arrival
of Gen
l. Clarke, expected here in a few days, to consult with him on the subject. his aid & his interest in the publication of the
work may render him the proper depository to have it prepared & delivered over to you. but my present idea is (if he concurs)
to order it on to the President, according to his literal desire, and the rather because it is said that there are in his
trunks vouchers for his public accounts. be assured I shall spare no pains to secure the publication of his work, and when
it may be within my sphere to take any definitive step respecting it, you shall be informed of it by, Gentlemen, your most
obed
t. serv
t.
”
On December 11, Jefferson wrote: “
I wrote you on the 23
d. of Nov. in answer to yours of the 13
th. of that month. I soon after concluded to write to the President suggesting to him the expediency of his ordering Gov
r. Lewis’s two trunks from Nashville by the stage to Washington, there to have the papers assorted & deliver those respecting
his expedition to Gen
l. Clarke soon expected. Gen
l. Clarke called on me a few days ago. he is named one of his executors by the Governor; & informed me that he had desired
the trunks to be sent on to Washington under the care of m
(
~
r)
Whiteside, the newly elected Senator from Tennessee. he is himself now gone on to Washington, where the papers may be immediately
expected, & he will proceed thence to Philadelphia to do whatever is necessary to the publication. I salute you with respect.
”
On April 24, 1811, Jefferson wrote to C. & A. Conrad & Co. concerning an account about which there was some doubt as to whether
it had been paid or not. Jefferson wrote: “
. . . if m(
~
r)
Rapine was right in saying the paiment I made him was for this object, & not for other books as it is possible, be so good
as to place it to my credit as a subscriber for Gov
r. Lewis’s book, of which I shall want 10. or 12. copies, unbound, as soon as it comes out. when will that be? I had hoped,
from D
r Barton’s information of last summer, it would have been before now . . .
”
On June 11, Cornelius & Andrew Conrad wrote to Jefferson: “. . . There has been so many difficulties to retard the publication of Lewis & Clarkes book that it is impossible yet for
us to say positively when it will be done--we hope the time will not exceed another Six Months and think it cannot be much
less. the narrative part is written and D
r. Barton has made considerable progress in his part of the work.
"We have put your name down for 12 copies.”
The difficulties concerned both the editing and the financing of the work. Nicholas Biddle of Philadelphia, who had been engaged
by Clark to edit the journals of Lewis, completed the task in July 1811. By this time Conrad & Co. were in financial straits,
leading eventually to their bankruptcy, and were unable to undertake the printing. After some delay the publication was undertaken
by Bradford and Inskeep, financially sound at the time, but who themselves were in the bankruptcy court when the book was
published in 1814.
In 1813 Biddle was elected to the legislature, and appointed Paul Allen to succeed him in seeing the work through the press.
During the year 1813, Jefferson was in correspondence with various people concerning the publication of the volumes. On April
3, 1813, in a letter to Benjamin Smith Barton, he asked: “
. . . When shall we have your book on American botany, and when the 1
st. volume of Lewis & Clarke’s travels? both of these works are of general expectation, and great interest, and to no one of
more than to myself . . .
”
On August 5, Jefferson wrote to Paul Allen, the new editor: “
Not being able to go myself in quest of the information respecting Gov
r. Lewis which was desired in your letter of May 25. I have been obliged to wait the leisure of those who could do it for me. I could forward you within a few days
a statement of what I have collected, but more time would improve it, if the impression of the
work will not be delayed. I will ask the favor of you therefore to name the latest time which the progress of the other part
will admit, by which time you shall not fail to recieve it. my matter may fill perhaps 20. 8
vo. pages, and as these may be paged independantly of the body of the work, I suppose it may be the last sheet printed.
"
Of General Clarke I shall be able to give you nothing. he was indeed born within 2. miles of Charlottesvill,
[
sic
--
Ed.
] & 4. of the place of my birth in the county of Albemarle, but he was so much my junior, that before I could know him, his
father removed to another part of the country. Accept the assurance of my great respect.
”
On August 18, Allen wrote to Jefferson: “I have in consequence of the reception of your letter & the prospect which it gives me of rendering the work more compleat
by the addition of Gov. Lewis biography prevailed upon the Booksellers to delay the publication of the first volume as it
was not originally contemplated to have done. This plan was to publish the first volume as soon as it was struck off & to
have the second published with all possible expectation afterward. But Sir I apprehend your delay has done me a benefit, as
a publication in the manner contemplated would unquestionably have done an essential injury to the work. I am now authorized
by the Booksellers to say that they will wait four weeks for the communication which you have obligingly condescended to promise.
The work will now all be published at once, & your communication will be placed in the front of the Narrative.
"If Sir it would not suit amidst the multiplicity of your other engagements to finish the biography at the time which the
Booksellers have stipulated I think that I might venture to add a procrastination of three or four weeks on my own responsibility.
You would confer an essential obligation by informing me at an early period whether either & which of these portions of time
would best enable you to fulfill your benevolent engagement. I am not apprehensive that the fulness of your Biography will
be an obstacle to its publication now that I have prevailed upon the Booksellers to procrastinate the volumes. I wish very
much to enliven the dulness of the Narrative by something more popular splendid & attractive. The publick taste has from a
variety of adventious
[
sic
--
Ed.
] causes been gorged to repletion on fanciful viands & the most nutritive & invigorating aliments will not be relished unless
seasoned with something of that character. Biography partakes to a certain extent of this quality, & is essentially connected
with subjects dear to every heart.”
On the same day, Jefferson sent to Allen his life of Meriwether Lewis, printed at the beginning of the first volume. An original
holograph draft is in the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Congress, 12 pages in Jefferson’s hand. His covering letter to Allen reads:
“
In compliance with the request conveyed in your letter of May 25. I have endeavored to obtain, from the relations & friends
of the late Governor Lewis, information of such incidents of his life as might be not unacceptable to those who may read the
Narrative of his Western discoveries. the ordinary occurrences of a private life, & those also while acting in a subordinate
sphere in the army, in a time of peace, are not deemed sufficiently interesting to occupy the public attention; but a general
account of his parentage, with such smaller incidents as marked early character, are briefly noted, and to these are added,
as being peculiarly within my own knolege, whatever related to the public mission, of which an account is now to be published.
the result of my enquiries & recollections, shall now be offered, to be enlarged or abridged as you may think best, or otherwise
to be used with the materials you may have collected from other sources.
”
On August 20, Jefferson again wrote to Allen: “
In my letter of the 5
th. inst. I requested what time you could give me for further enquiry on the subject of the life of Gov
r. Lewis. I have since satisfied myself that there is no more matter within my reach, and being about to set out on a journey,
on which I shall be absent three weeks, I have concluded it best to forward you without delay the sketch I have been able
to prepare. Accept with it the assurance of my great respect.
"
P.S. not knowing who is to print the work, I will ask
the favor of you to desire the printer, when the work is compleat, to send me thirteen copies, 3 of them neatly bound, the
rest in boards (for transmission to Europe) the best conveyance is by the stage, addressed to Gibson & Jefferson, merchants
of that place, who will pay the transportation and forward them to me. they would be still safer, if any passenger to Richmond
would take them under his care. the amount shall be remitted on reciept of the printer’s bill.
”
On the same day he wrote to Nicholas Biddle: “
In a letter from m(
~
r)
Paul Allen of Philadelphia, I was informed that other business had obliged you to turn over to him the publication of Gov
r. Lewis’s journal of his Western expedition: and he requested me to furnish him with any materials I could for writing a sketch
of his life. I now inclose him such as I have been able to procure, to be used with any other information he may have recieved,
or alone, if he has no other, or in any way you & he shall think proper. the part you have been so good as to take in digesting
the work entitles you to decide on whatever may be proposed to go out under it’s auspices; and on this ground I take the liberty
of putting under cover to you, and for your perusal, my letter to m
(
~
r)
Allen, which I will request you to seal & hand on to him. I am happy in this occasion of expressing my portion of the thanks
all will owe you for the trouble you have taken with this interesting narrative, and the assurance of my sentiments of high
esteem and respect.
”
Biddle replied to this from Andalusia on the Delaware on September 28: “My residence in the country during the summer has prevented me from answering sooner your very polite note of the 20
th of August covering a communication to M
r Allen which was immediately transmitted to him. It is now a long time since I was tempted by the request of Gen
l Clark & other friends as well as by the natural interest of the subject to undertake the composition of the narrative part
of the travels of Mess
rs Lewis & Clark, whilst D
r Barton took charge of the objects of natural history connected with the work. I had written off roughly nearly the whole
when other occupations interposed, and on Gen
l Clark’s visit here last spring I gave up the manuscripts to M
r Allen, who was to take the rude outline as I had left it, add from the original journals whatever had been omitted in the
first rapid sketch, mould the whole as he thought best and superintend the publication. He informs me that about one half
of the second & last volume of the narrative is printed & that the whole will appear shortly. The introductory notice of Gov
r Lewis is very interesting and the account of the previous projects for exploring the country west of the Mississipi contains
new & curious information. You mention the assistance of the Baron de Grimm--you may not perhaps have seen the correspondence
of that gentleman which was published last year at Paris . . .”
On December 6, in a letter to Von Humboldt in Paris, Jefferson wrote: “
. . . You will find it inconceivable that Lewis’s journey to the Pacific should not yet have appeared, nor is it in my power
to tell you the reason. the measures taken by his surviving companion Clarke, for the publication, have not answered our wishes
in point of dispatch. I think however, from what I have heard, that the mere journal will be out within a few weeks in 2.
vols. 8
vo. these I will take care to send you with the tobacco seed you desired, if it be possible for them to escape the thousand
ships of our enemies spread over the ocean. the botanical & zoological discoveries of Lewis will probably experience greater
delay, and become known to the world thro other channels before that volume will be ready. the Atlas, I believe, waits on
the leisure of the engraver . . .
”
On December 18, Paul Allen wrote to Jefferson: “I trust that Your Excellency will do me the justice to believe that your request with regard to the volumes of Lewis & Clarke
would have been complied with long since & the books transmitted if the work had not been unexpectedly detained in the hands
of the Printer. They have now arrived at the conclusion of the work excepting the diary of the weather &c which comes in at
the appendix. The delay has been occa- sioned by the press of other avocations which the printers have been obliged to turn
their more immediate attention to & particularly periodical works. My reason for troubling your Excellency is an apprehension
that you would deem me neglectful of your request of which believe me Sir I am utterly incapable. With regard to the biographick
[sketch] which you so condescendingly furnished me with, I have to offer my sincerest thanks accompanied I must confess with
some little chagrin that it was out of my power to requite the obligation. My mind was for sometime wavering on the propriety
of annexing to your biographick sketch a particular account of the melancholy death of Capt. Lewis. That account has already
been published by the late Alexander Wilson Esqr the celebrated ornithologist. But as this might notwithstanding in all human
probability wound the sensibility of surviving relatives & friends, I deemed it the most expedient to err on the side of humanity
& rather to veil the severity of biographick fact than to have my motives misunderstood by the recital.--I should have been
much gratified by annexing a sketch of the life of Gov. Clarke but that has been long time abandoned as unobtainable . . .”
The volumes were published in February of the following year. Jefferson had not received his copy when he addressed a letter
to Henry Muhlenberg on March 16, 1814, thanking him for his
Catalogus Plantarum
[see no. 1088]: “
I thank you for your catalogue of North American plants. it is indeed very copious, and at the same time compendious in its
form. I hardly know what you have left for your “Descriptio uberior.” the discoveries of Gov
r. Lewis may perhaps furnish matter of value, if ever they can be brought forward. the mere journal of the voyage may be soon
expected; but in what forwardness are the volumes of the botany, natural history, geography and meteorology of the journey
I am uninformed . . .
”
On April 12, Bradford & Inskeep, the publishers, wrote to Jefferson from Philadelphia: “At the request of M
r Paul Allen we have packed & sent to the care of Gibson & Jefferson as directed thirteen copies, one of which we beg you will
accept, they were forwarded by mail stage & we think will go safe.”
The bill, dated April 7, reads:
“Thomas Jefferson Esq
r
To Bradford & Inskeep dr.
For 10 Lewis & Clarkes travles bds @ 6.00... |
60.00 |
2 ditto do “ cf g 10.00................................... |
20.00 |
|
------- |
|
80.00 |
15% off......................................................... |
12.00 |
|
------- |
|
68.00 |
Box &c......................................................... |
75 |
|
------- |
|
$68.75 |
”
It was not until August 15 that Jefferson received the books. On August 17 he wrote to the publishers from Monticello: “
Your favor of Apr. 7. was recieved Apr. 22. the books never got to hand, or were heard of by me till the day before yesterday.
I deferred remitting the amount in the hope of acknoleging the reciept at the same time. having to make a remittance to m
(
~
r)
Dufief, bookseller in Philadelphia, I have included in it 68
D.75
C for you, for which I must ask the favor of you to call on him within a few days after your reciept of this, by which time
it will have got to hand from mess
rs. Gibson and Jefferson
of Richmond my correspondents. accept my thanks for the extra copy sent me and assurances of my respect.”
In a letter to John Vaughan, Treasurer of the American Philosophical Society, dated from Monticello, June 28, 1817, Jefferson
wrote: “
. . . you enquire for the Indian vocabularies of Mess
rs. Lewis and Clarke. all their papers are at present under a kind of embargo. they consist of 1. Lewis’s MS. pocket journals
of the journey. 2. his Indian Vocabularies. 3. his astronomical observations, particularly for the longitudes. 4. his map,
and drawings. a part of these papers were deposited with D
r. Barton; some with m
(
~
r)
Biddle, others I know not where. of the pocket journals M
r. Correa got 4. out of 11. or 12. from m
(
~
r)
s Barton & sent them to me. he informed me that m(
~
r)
Biddle would not think himself authorised to deliver the portion of the papers he recieved from Gen
l. Clarke without his order; whereon I wrote to Gen
l. Clarke, & recieved his order for the whole some time ago. but I have held it up until a Secretary at War was
[sic]
is appointed, that office having some rights to these papers. as soon as that appointment is made, I shall endeavor to collect
the whole, to deposite the MS. journals & Vocabularies with the Philosophical society, adding a collection of some vocabularies
made by myself, and to get the Sec
y. at War to employ some person to whom I may deliver the astronomical papers for calculation, and the geographical ones for
the correct execution of a map; for in that published with his journal, altho’ the latitudes may be correct, the longitudes
cannot be. I wait therefore only for this appointment to begin my endeavors for a compleat collection and distribution of
these papers . . .
”
On November 7 of the same year, he wrote to Peter Stephen Duponceau: “
a part of the information of which the expedition of Lewis and Clarke was the object has been communicated to the world by
the publication of their journal; but much & valuable matter remains yet uncommunicated. the correction of the longitudes
of their map is essential to it’s value; to which purpose their observations of the lunar distances are to be calculated &
applied. the new subjects they discovered in the vegetable, animal & mineral departments are to be digested and made known.
the numerous vocabularies they obtained of the Indian languages are to be collated and published.
"
altho’ the whole expence of the expedition was furnished by the public, and the information to be derived from it was theirs
also, yet on the return of mess
rs. Lewis & Clarke the government thought it just to leave to them any pecuniary benefit which might result from a publication
of the papers, and supposed indeed that this would secure the best form of publication. but the property in these papers still
remained in the government for the benefit of their constituents. with the measures taken by Gov
r. Lewis for their publication, I was never acquainted. after his death Gov
r. Clarke put them, in the first instance, into the hands of the late D
r. Barton, from whom some of them passed to m
(
~
r)
Biddle, and some again, I believe, from him to m(
~
r)
Allen. while the MS. books of journals were in the hands of D
r. Barton, I wrote to him on behalf of Gov
r. Lewis’s family requesting earnestly, that, as soon as these should be published, the originals might be returned, as the
family wished to have them preserved. he promised in his answer that it should be faithfully done.
"
after his death, I obtained, thro’ the kind agency of m(
~
r)
Correa, from m(
~
r)
s Barton, three of those books, of which I know there had been 10. or 12. having myself read them. these were all she could
find. the rest therefore, I presume are in the hands of the other gentlemen. after the agency I had had in affecting this
expedition, I thought myself authorised, and indeed that it would be expected of me that I should follow up the subject, and
endeavor to obtain it’s fruits for the public. I wrote to Gen
l. Clarke therefore for authority to recieve the original papers. he gave it in the letters to m
(
~
r)
Biddle and to myself, which I now inclose, as the custody of these papers belonged properly to the War-office, and that was
vacant at the time. I have waited several months for it’s being filled. but the office still remaining vacant, and my distance
rendering any effectual measures, by myself, impracticable, I ask the agency of your committee, within whose province I propose
to place the matter, by making it the depository of the papers generally. I therefore now forward to them the 3. volumes of
MS. journals in my possession, and authorise them, under Gen
l. Clarke’s letters, to enquire for and to recieve the rest. so also the astronomical and geographical papers, those relating
to zoological, botanical, and mineral subjects, with the Indian vocabularies, and statistical tables relative to the
Indians. of the astronomical and geographical papers, if the Comm(
~
e)
e will be so good as to give me a statement, I will, as soon as a Secretary at war is appointed, propose to him to have made,
at the public expence, the requisite calculations, to have the map corrected in it’s longitudes and latitudes, engraved and
published on a proper scale: and I will ask from Gen
l. Clarke the one he offers, with his corrections. with respect to the zoological, vegetable & mineralogical papers & subjects,
it would perhaps be aggreable to the Philosophical society to have a digest of them made, and published in their transactions
or otherwise. and if it should be within the views of the historical committee to have the Indian vocabularies digested and
published, I would add to them the remains of my collection. I had thro’ the course of my life availed myself of every opportunity
of procuring vocabularies of the languages of every tribe which either myself or my friends could have access to. they amounted
to about 40. more or less perfect. but in their passage from Washington to this place, the trunk in which they were was stolen
and plundered, and some fragments only of the vocabularies were recovered. still however they were such as would be worth
incorporation with a larger work, and shall be at the service of the historical comm
(
~
e)
e, if they can make any use of them. permit me to request the return of Gen
l. Clarke’s letter and to add assurances of my high respect & esteem.
"
P. S. with the volumes of MS. journal, m(
~
r)
s Barton delivered one by mistake I suppose, which seems to have been the journal of some botanist. I presume it was the property
of D
r. Barton, & therefore forward it to you to be returned to m
(
~
r)
s Barton.”
On April 16 of the following year, 1818, Nicholas Biddle sent all the Lewis manuscripts to William Tilghman, the Secretary
of the Historical Committee of the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. His accompanying letter is in the Jefferson Papers
in the Library of Congress: “I have the pleasure of depositing with the Historical committee, the papers & books which accompany this letter, in compliance
with the request of Governor Clark in his letter to me of the 10
th of Oct 1816, transmitted by M
r Jefferson . . .”
Meriwether Lewis, 1774-1809, was a native of Albemarle County, Virginia. In 1795 he enlisted in the regular army, and in 1796 was commissioned
a lieutenant.
In his Life of Captain Lewis, prefixed to Volume I, Jefferson relates how the idea of this expedition grew, beginning with
the frustrated attempt of Ledyard in 1788, Jefferson’s own proposal to the American Philosophical Society in 1792 leading
to the employment of André Michaux, with its abortive outcome, and finally to this expedition of 1803, led by Meriwether Lewis.
Lewis is then described by Jefferson as being
of courage undaunted; possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing by impossibilities could divert from
its direction; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline;
intimate with the Indian character, customs, and principles; habituated to the hunting life; guarded, by exact observation
of the vegetables and animals of his own country, against losing time in the description of objects already possessed; honest,
disinterested, liberal, of sound understanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous, that whatever he should report would
be as certain as if seen by ourselves.
Jefferson adds
with all these qualifications, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body for this express purpose, I could have no
hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him.
On the return of the expedition, Lewis and Clark set out for Washington which they reached in February 1807, when Congress
was in session.
That body granted to the two chiefs and their followers the donation of lands which they had been encouraged to expect in
reward of their toil and dangers. Captain Lewis was soon after appointed governor of Louisiana, and captain Clarke a general
of its militia, and agent of the United States for Indian affairs in that department.
At the end of his account, Jefferson describes Lewis’s death as suicide. He mentions James Neelly, the United States agent
to the Chickasaw nation, who was with Lewis at the time, and whose letter to Jefferson on this occasion is in the Jefferson papers in the Library of Congress. The acknowledgment of Paul Allen to
Jefferson at the end of his Preface reads:
To give still further interest to the work, the editor addressed a letter to Mr. Jefferson, requesting some authentic memoirs of captain Lewis. For the very curious and valuable information contained
in his answer, the public, as well as the editor himself, owe great obligations to the politeness and knowledge of that distinguished
gentleman.
William Clark, 1770-1838, was born in Caroline County, Virginia. For four years Clark was an army officer under General Wayne, and his
military experience made him acquainted with the Mississippi and the Missouri Rivers. Clark’s qualities and frontier experiences
were an invaluable asset to this expedition, and in addition he was the map maker and the artist, being responsible for the
drawings of the birds, fish and animals encountered in their journeys. After the return of the expedition, and the death
of Lewis, Clark was in frequent correspondence with Jefferson on subjects of natural history, specimens he had obtained, and
similar subjects.
Paul Allen, 1775-1826, author, poet and editor, was born in Providence, Rhode Island. For a time he lived in Philadelphia, and contributed
to the
Port Folio
, conducted by Joseph Dennie and Nicholas Biddle.
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